<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<rss version="2.0" xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/">
	<channel>
		
		<title>EDIEC: Noticias</title>
		<link>http://www.ediec.org/</link>
		<description>Noticias</description>
		<language>es</language>
		<image>
			<title>EDIEC: Noticias</title>
			<url>http://www.ediec.org/fileadmin/templates/images/tt_news_article.gif</url>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/</link>
			<width></width>
			<height></height>
			<description>Noticias</description>
		</image>
		<generator>TYPO3 - get.content.right</generator>
		<docs>http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss</docs>
		
		
		
		<lastBuildDate>Tue, 26 Aug 2008 13:31:00 +0200</lastBuildDate>
		
		
		<item>
			<title> Cachemira: el tranquilo fuego del Himalaya</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/kashmir-the-quite-fire-of-the-himalayas/</link>
			<description>Este artículo de Mohsin Mohi-Ud-Din publicado en MWC News analiza las razones por las que el...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[ Recuerdo la primera vez que oí arma de fuego y explosiones de granadas al visitar a mi familia inician en la región del Himalaya de Cachemira ocupada por India, IOK. Yet, I first became cognizant of what those bullets could do when my aunt was killed in the embattled state of Kashmir in 1992.&nbsp; Icia’s death forced me to witness how violence and poverty brought out complex developments within the youth: anger, pain, hate and most tragic of all…a toxic combination of helplessness and humiliation that fuels the cycles of violence we see in places such as Sudan, Palestine, and Kashmir. Sin embargo, por primera vez consciente de cuáles son esas balas puede hacer cuando mi tía murió en el asediado estado de Cachemira en 1992. ICIA de la muerte me obligó a presenciar cómo la violencia y la pobreza llevado a cabo complejas en el seno de la juventud: la rabia, el dolor, el odio y el más trágico de todos… una combinación tóxica de desamparo y humillación que alimenta los ciclos de violencia que vemos en lugares como Sudán, Palestina y Cachemira. Just what is it like to live in Kashmir? Simplemente lo que es igual a vivir en Cachemira? I will never forget what one victim described to me in 2003. Nunca olvidaré lo que una víctima se describe a mí en 2003. When asked what it felt like to be a Kashmiri then, he replied “to walk outside the gate of one’s home feels like walking in a field of mines”. Cuando se le preguntó lo que sentía como para ser un cachemir entonces, él contestó "a caminar fuera de la puerta de su casa se siente como caminar en un campo de minas". News this week from Kashmir give his words the same relevance today as they had years ago when his 17 year old nephew, Ajaaz, was extra-judicially murdered by Indian paramilitary forces. Noticias de esta semana de Cachemira dar sus palabras la misma importancia hoy en día como lo habían hecho años atrás, cuando sus 17 años de edad, sobrino, Ajaaz, fue extrajudicialmente indios asesinados por fuerzas paramilitares. 
 In recent weeks, Kashmir has experienced the resignation of Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad and the collapse of its local government; daily riots in the Hindu dominated region of Jammu and the Muslim dominated region of the Kashmir valley; the discovery of over 900 mass graves by rights groups; and the deaths of dozens of protesters.&nbsp; Last week, communal riots by Hindus in the Jammu region resulted in Hindu extremists destroying roads and railways in an attempt to blockade the Kashmir valley’s Muslim community from medicine, petrol, and food supplies. En las últimas semanas, Cachemira ha sufrido la dimisión del Primer Ministro Ghulam Nabi Azad y el colapso de su gobierno local; diario disturbios en la región dominada por hindúes de Jammu y la región dominada por musulmanes en el valle de Cachemira; el descubrimiento de más de 900 fosas comunes de grupos de derechos, y la muerte de decenas de manifestantes. La semana pasada, disturbios comunales de los hindúes en la región de Jammu dado lugar a extremistas hindúes destruyen carreteras y ferrocarriles en un intento de bloqueo el valle de Cachemira de la comunidad musulmana de la medicina, gasolina, alimentos y suministros . Kashmiri Muslims staged daily protest in which Indian security forces fired upon unarmed protesters, killing over 25 Kashmiris. Musulmanes de Cachemira etapas diarias de protesta en la que las fuerzas de seguridad indias abrieron fuego contra manifestantes desarmados, matando a más de 25 habitantes de Cachemira. Hundreds more have been injured. Centenares más han resultado heridos. By Monday, security forces had arrested 3 prominent Kashmiri political figures, Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, Yasin Malik, and Syed Geelani, who have been leading the mass protests of the last few weeks. Al lunes, las fuerzas de seguridad habían detenido a 3 prominentes figuras políticas cachemir, Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, Yasin Malik, y Syed Geelani, que han estado dirigiendo las protestas masivas de las últimas semanas. The arrest of these leaders is a blatant attempt by state security agencies to weaken the political will of Kashmiri civil society at a time when Kashmiri civil society has been gaining some momentum. La detención de estos dirigentes es un intento descarado de los organismos de seguridad del Estado para debilitar la voluntad política de cachemir la sociedad civil en un momento en cachemir la sociedad civil ha ido adquiriendo algo de impulso.&nbsp;
 These developments have seemingly breathed new life into the Kashmiri movement for self determination. Estos acontecimientos al parecer han insuflado nueva vida en la Cachemira circulación de la libre determinación. Yet, my fears seem to be manifesting themselves in two ways. Sin embargo, mis temores parecen que se manifiestan de dos maneras. First, the Kashmiri children born during the violent insurgency from 1989, children who have seen nothing but war and failed political and judicial processes—today are now children no more and are ever vulnerable to violence as the only means to have voice. En primer lugar, el cachemir los niños nacidos durante la violenta insurrección de 1989, los niños que han visto nada, pero no la guerra y la política y los procesos judiciales de hoy son los niños ahora no más y cada vez son vulnerables a la violencia como único medio para tener voz. Consequently, we may witness a resurgence of violence that had claimed thousands of lives in late 1980s and early 1990s. En consecuencia, podemos presenciar un resurgimiento de la violencia que ha cobrado miles de vidas a finales de 1980 y principios de 1990. Second, the instability in Kashmir has seemingly shifted from its political roots to now more religious undertones. En segundo lugar, la inestabilidad en Cachemira aparentemente ha cambiado su política de raíces ahora más religiosos undertones. This will complicate the global war on terror in Pakistan and Afghanistan and will polarize India’s Muslims against non-Muslim communities in South-East Asia. Esto complicará la guerra mundial contra el terrorismo en Afganistán y Pakistán y la India va a polarizar contra los musulmanes de las comunidades no musulmanas en el sudeste de Asia. 
 How has Kashmir reached this new boiling point? ¿Cómo ha llegado a Cachemira este nuevo punto de ebullición? The current Kashmiri unrest is not the result of a land dispute between Hindus-Muslims, as is so widely reported. El actual malestar de Cachemira no es el resultado de una disputa sobre tierras entre hindúes-musulmanes, como es tan ampliamente. Rather, the current wave of instability in Kashmir is itself the result of a continued deterioration of Kashmiri human rights within a discriminatory state judicial apparatus granting immunity to security forces who commit atrocities. Por el contrario, la actual ola de inestabilidad en Cachemira es en sí misma el resultado de un continuo deterioro de los derechos humanos de Cachemira en un estado discriminatorio aparato judicial concesión de inmunidad a las fuerzas de seguridad que cometen atrocidades. An example of the blatant disregard for Kashmiri rights by India was seen in April and 2008 when over 1,000 mass graves were discovered by rights groups in just one district in Kashmir and there are believed to be thousand more. Un ejemplo de la flagrante desprecio por los derechos de Cachemira por la India se observó en abril y 2008, cuando más de 1000 fosas comunes fueron descubiertas por grupos de derechos en un solo distrito en Cachemira y allí se cree que miles más. India refused to open investigations into the graves. India se negó a abrir investigaciones sobre las tumbas. The Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons, APDP, allege that many of these graves contain bodies of victims of custodial killings and enforced disappearances. La Asociación de Padres de Personas Desaparecidas, APDP, alegan que muchas de estas fosas contienen cuerpos de las víctimas de privación de asesinatos y desapariciones forzadas. The APDP has documented over 8,000 cases since 1989 and most of the disappearances were allegedly committed by state security forces of India. La APDP ha documentado más de 8000 casos desde 1989 y la mayoría de las desapariciones fueron presuntamente cometidos por fuerzas de seguridad del Estado de la India. 
 The one ray of hope towards restoring a sense of accountability and trust among Kashmiri Muslims in valley has been the International People's Tribunal for Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir. El único rayo de esperanza hacia el restablecimiento de un sentido de la responsabilidad y la confianza entre los musulmanes de Cachemira en el valle ha sido la Internacional del Pueblo Tribunal de Derechos Humanos y Justicia en administración india de Cachemira. Kashmiris are searching for justice and accountability and the Kashmir Tribunal is the first organized attempt by civil society to achieve justice and accountability. Cachemires son la búsqueda de la justicia y la rendición de cuentas y el Tribunal de Cachemira es el primer intento organizado de la sociedad civil para lograr la justicia y la rendición de cuentas. The leading Kashmiri rights activist, Parvez Imroz and Dr. Angana Chatterji are the co-conveners of the International People's Tribunal for Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir. El líder cachemir activista de derechos, Parvez Imroz y el doctor Angana Chatterji son los co-convocantes de la Organización Internacional del Tribunal del Pueblo para los Derechos Humanos y Justicia en administración india de Cachemira. They have been doing independent investigations on the recent discovery of hundreds of mass graves in Kashmir.&nbsp; However, the promise of the Tribunal risks losing momentum. Ellos han estado haciendo una investigación independiente sobre el reciente descubrimiento de cientos de fosas comunes en Cachemira. Sin embargo, la promesa de que el Tribunal corre el riesgo de perder impulso. The Kashmir Tribunal’s investigations led to Parvez and his family being assaulted by armed men affiliated with state security forces, who attempted to kill him and his family with a grenade. El Tribunal de Cachemira investigaciones condujeron a Parvez y su familia siendo asaltado por hombres armados afiliados a fuerzas de seguridad del Estado, que trató de matar a él ya su familia con una granada. 
 Further destabilization of the region will affect the global war on terror and the process of developing lasting peace in South Asia. Una mayor desestabilización de la región afectarán a la guerra mundial contra el terrorismo y el proceso de elaboración de una paz duradera en el sur de Asia. This will manifest itself in next few years unless India ceases its counter insurgency tactics involving enforced disappearances and extra judicial killings. Esto se traducirá en próximos años, a menos que India pone fin a sus tácticas contra la insurgencia la participación de las desapariciones forzadas y asesinatos extrajudiciales. In relation to the United State’s interests, continued instability in Kashmir will stifle any efforts in the global war on terror being waged in Afghanistan and Pakistan. En relación con los Estados Unidos los intereses, la continua inestabilidad en Cachemira va a ahogar todos los esfuerzos en la guerra mundial contra el terrorismo se libra en Afganistán y Pakistán. Continued obstruction by India on processes for justice and accountability will create a void that risks being filled by extremists recruiting youth to take up arms. Continúa la obstrucción de la India en los procesos por la justicia y la rendición de cuentas creará un vacío que corre el riesgo de ser ocupados por los extremistas reclutar a los jóvenes a tomar las armas. 
 Kashmiris are looking to United States and the United Nations to press India to cease abuses against Kashmiris and to support the Kashmir Tribunal. Cachemira está buscando a Estados Unidos y las Naciones Unidas para la prensa India a que ponga fin a los abusos cometidos contra los habitantes de Cachemira y apoyar la Cachemira Tribunal. We have been so occupied by the classifications of India or Pakistan; Muslim or Hindu; that we have forgotten to be human. Hemos estado tan ocupados por las clasificaciones de la India o Pakistán, musulmán o hindú, lo que nos hemos olvidado que el ser humano. For the sake of justice and accountability, for the sake of the war against extremism, for the sake of human rights, I pray that India’s and Pakistan’s security and judicial bodies cease obstructing Kashmiris’ efforts for peace, justice and accountability. En aras de la justicia y la rendición de cuentas, en aras de la guerra contra el extremismo, en aras de los derechos humanos, hago votos por que la India y Pakistán en materia de seguridad y los órganos judiciales que cese de obstruir Cachemira los esfuerzos por la paz, la justicia y la rendición de cuentas. Now is the time to hear Kashmiris out. Ahora es el momento de escuchar los cachemires. Now is the time to be human, above all else. Ahora es el momento de ser humano, por encima de todo. 
(Source: MWC News Kashmir: The Quite Fire of the Himalayas )]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 Aug 2008 13:31:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Los desaparecidos de Franco - Un pasado doloroso al descubierto</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/francos-disappeared-a-painful-past-uncovered/</link>
			<description>Artículo publicado en el diario británico The Guardian acerca de la exhumación de las fosas comunes...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[Driving past fields of sunflowers in the August sunshine, you see what at first appears to be a campsite with lots of cars and people milling around. They might be on holiday, enjoying a few days' peace in this quiet pine forest in northern Spain. Look a little closer, though, and this clearing throws up something distinctly darker. A small group is peering into a hole the size of a bomb crater, about a metre deep. At the bottom are young archaeologists, dusting off the bones of five mangled skeletons. One skull looks up to the sky, its open-mouthed expression like a cry for help. Between what were the eyes, there is a hole. This is where a 9mm bullet entered.
In this wretched hole in the ground, near the tiny village of San Juan del Monte, in Castilla y León, are the remains of five more of Spain's "disappeared". Julio Maroto San José, his father Roman Maroto Rico, Rogelito Tello, and the brothers Marcos Parra Barberra and Salvador Parra Barberra were shot by supporters of General Francisco Franco on August 25 1936. The four youngest were all in their 20s; most had children. One night they were hauled off by civil guard officers in a lorry, made to dig their own graves and shot in the head. They were not condemned by a court. Their "crime" was to belong to the Spanish equivalent of the General Workers Union. Now, 72 years later, a small band of volunteers has arrived in San Juan del Monte to exhume the bodies of these five and give them a decent burial.
Historians believe there could be as many as 100,000 others like them, buried across the country. During the Spanish civil war, between 1936-1939, and afterwards while General Franco ruled Spain, his supporters, as well as the Republicans on the other side, carried out summary executions, dumping the innocent victims in hundreds of mass graves. Many of these have remained untraced until now. 
Campaigners whose fathers, grandfathers or uncles disappeared into the night a lifetime ago have painstakingly traced them, by checking old prison records, yellowing council documents and speaking to those whose fading memories recall something of what happened to these people and where they might be buried. Often local people knew where the graves were but, until now, were too afraid to say. Spain preferred to pretend the killings never happened, but the volunteers are determined that the dead will not lie unremembered in ditches or pine forests. Almost every weekend, ageing relatives and members of groups such as the Association for the Recuperation of the Historical Memory (ARHM) carry out exhumations like the one at San Juan del Monte. 
The Spanish state had offered little help before, but now Spain's campaigning judge Baltasar Garzón has become involved. He is the first investigating magistrate to trace his own country's disappeared. In the past, Garzón has investigated the crimes of dictators and their henchmen in foreign countries, notably Argentina and Chile. He is best known in Britain for his unsuccessful attempt in 1998 to extradite the late Chilean dictator General Pinochet while he was in London for medical treatment. After legal pressure from campaigners, Garzón has demanded that the official archives be opened to reveal just how many Spaniards were shot by firing squad - and where they might be buried. 
What he is trying to establish is if there is any proof, as campaigners claim, that these murders were carried out on a systematic basis under orders from above. If a case can be made, the judge could decide to call for a Spanish version of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, though this seems unlikely. The response to Garzón's demand for information from the defence and interior ministries was disappointing, both directing the judge to the archives of the civil guard held near Madrid. The archive is officially open to researchers, but campaigners suspect that much within it has been kept secret. Whatever the outcome, it will be a long and torturous process before the Spanish state opens up and reveals what it knows about those who went missing. 
But these matters are far from the thoughts of the relatives whose loved ones died in the ignominious pit at San Juan del Monte so long ago. Rafino Tello Alonso, 75, watches as the bones of what could be his father Rogelio are carried piece by piece from the grave by archaeologists and catalogued in bags. Rogelio and the other victims all worked extracting resin from the pine trees that grow all over this part of Castilla y Léon. 
"I was three when they took my father away so I don't remember much about him at all. But all my life my mother and my family said I was like him. It has been very hard. I have felt angry all my life because I never had a father," he says, tears welling up. "We were from Arauza de Miel [Arauza of Honey] nearby. It is a sweet name but this is a bitter story."
Julia Maroto Velasco, 71, peers into the grave trying to guess which one of the skeletons might have belonged to her father Julio or her grandfather Roman. Her mother, Ana Velasco, 93, was two months' pregnant with her when the men were called by civil guard officers who arrived on a lorry in Arauza de Miel. Roman protested when his son Julio was dragged off, so the civil guard took him too. They disappeared into the night and never came back. 
"When they said they had found my father's body, it was the best thing that happened to me," says Julia, a retired servant. "Of course it makes me angry to think of these injustices. Growing up without a father or a grandfather was terrible. But I never thought I would get this happiness and sadness at the same time."
Her cousin, Carlos Maroto Mate, 46, a lift mechanic from Barcelona, has brought his family to the exhumation. His sons Ruben, 19, and Raul, 13, watch quietly as the investigators go methodically about their business. At one point they find buttons, a belt buckle, then finally a 9mm bullet from a pistol.
"I wanted my sons to see this. It may be a little morbid, but it is real life and I want them to tell their friends about this." Carlos says that his father never wanted to talk about how his brother Julio and father Ramon disappeared. "I think we should be talking about this now, not forgetting. What happens here today may only be a drop of water in the ocean, but it is important. I always said that this happened because of ignorance and fanaticism between families and neighbours." 
Other exhumations have been carried out in the Burgos region and across Spain in recent years. Now others like Julia are waiting to see if DNA tests will prove for once and for all where their relatives' bodies lie. When these digs take place, researchers have to rely on old records that show the names of who went missing on certain dates. They cannot be certain they are digging up the people they believe lie in the mass graves. Sometimes they never discover the identities of the bodies. 
The day after the exhumation at San Juan del Monte, scores of grey-haired relatives, mostly in their 80s or 90s, line up at the grandly named House of Culture, a council office in the nearby city of Aranda de Duero, to give their DNA samples. The building is more accustomed to putting on art shows than hosting this unusual reminder of Spain's painful past, in which people wait patiently to have swabs of saliva taken. It can take up to a year for the team of investigators to match samples to fragments of bones. The defence minister, Carme Chacón, who hit the headlines earlier this year for being Spain's first pregnant minister, is among those waiting to discover the fate of her great-grandfather. The body of Gonzalo Liras Cerezo is believed to lie in one of the mass graves in Burgos. 
Francois Parra, 51, has come all the way from Lyon in France to have a swab taken. His grandfather, Pablo Parra Rincon, was arrested in Aranda de Duero, then disappeared in July 1936. His father, Bonifacio Parra, now 85, was forced into exile in France. He would have come to give DNA himself but was prevented by ill health.
In poor Spanish, Francois says: "My father said there is not a day that goes past that he doesn't think about this. That's why he was determined that I should come and do this."
Others find it too difficult to talk about fathers, brothers or uncles who disappeared. One elderly woman is about to tell me about her brother when she stops mid-sentence and begins to cry quietly. It may have all happened over 70 years ago, but many of these people have not had the chance to address their pain until now.
The day after the exhumation at San Juan del Monte, relatives gather for a quiet service at the church in Arauza de Miel to finally lay them to rest. There are tears but above all relief. Nuria Polo, 34, a film-maker from Barcelona who is making a documentary about the relatives of the disappeared, has studied their reactions.
"You will notice that they are not afraid to talk a lot. They are sad but also glad. For them it is closure, a kind of relief," she observes.
Over the past five years, volunteers such as Emilio Silva, whose grandfather, also called Emilio, was killed and his body dumped, have tried to trace the disappeared. Silva, president of ARHM, believes Garzón's intervention could prove a turning point.
"He is the first judge to ask for the official archives to be opened. We believe this could produce information which proves that these killings were systematic. If that can be shown to be the case, perhaps we could see a commission set up to find the real truth or even call those who carried out these crimes to answer."
Historians struggle to agree on how many bodies may lie in mass graves, as it is an impossible question to answer with certainty. Francisco Espinosa, a historian who carried out the most comprehensive research of mass graves in Andalusia and Extremadura in the west of Spain, believes as many as 100,000 people could have gone missing, their remains lying across the country.
"It is difficult to say though, as no national research has been done - just on a province by province basis - and records have been destroyed," he cautions.
Professor Paul Preston, a British historian from the London School of Economics, is writing a book on the slaughter of innocents called The Spanish Holocaust.
"There were at least 101,000 people whose names we know - perhaps more. But of those lying in mass graves, I would estimate that there are at least as many as 30,000 across Spain." 
He is amazed at the lack of awareness outside Spain of the crimes committed by Franco and efforts to trace his victims. "I don't think people have the slightest idea. It is big news to them. Franco still has an amazingly good press in the Anglo-Saxon world."
Since the first graves were exhumed, it has proved hard work for the small but dedicated band of volunteers who battle with bureau-cracy to trace the disappeared. They often face obstruction from conservative officials or those who would rather not go into the subject. The mass grave at San Juan del Monte was only found after help from Emilio del Cura, a local man whose father witnessed the shootings but remained silent until years later. 
A documentary about the issue, called San Cruz por Ejemplo [Santa Cruz for Example], tells the story of how this village in Burgos reacts to a team who come to exhume the bodies of a group of men killed by Franco's supporters. There is one telling scene when the Austrian film-maker, Gunter Schwaiger, asks four old men sitting on a bench if they want to talk about it. There is silence. It perhaps symbolises the Spanish attitude to dealing with these horrors. But the mood is slowly changing. In 2007, Spain's prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero brought in a law to offer justice to victims of Franco. The Law of Historical Memory - although tame compared with South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission - makes it easier to find and dig up graves, has ordered Francoist plaques and statues to be withdrawn from public buildings and opened up archives.
The conservative opposition Popular Party and others on the right, opposed the law, claiming that it would mean raking over the ashes of the dead. After Franco died in 1975 and democracy returned following 36 years of dictatorship, a 1977 amnesty law ensured that no one could be held to account for the crimes committed during El Caudillo's regime. So it is still up to dogged volunteers such as José Ignacío Casado Ovejero, to honour the memory of those like the five who were shot at San Juan del Monte.
The 48-year-old civil servant brandishes a thick file with copies of grim prison and council documents detailing the names of scores of men and women who were from the Burgos area. Beside many of the names, a note reads: "Shot dead by firing squad."
"Why do I bother?" he asks. "Like most others, my grandfather Alejo Ovejero was shot by Franco's people. I want to find him and others like him."
<br />
(Fuente: The Guardian <link http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/aug/21/spain/print - external-link-new-window>A painful past uncovered)</link><br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 26 Aug 2008 12:02:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Desapariciones sospechadas en Georgia</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/suspected-disappearances-in-georgia/</link>
			<description>La organización de derechos humanos Human Rights Watch sospecha que desapariciónes forzada se están...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[(Tbilisi, August 17, 2008) – Russian authorities should immediately take steps to end Ossetian militia attacks on ethnic Georgians in the Gori district of Georgia, Human Rights Watch said today. The Russian military should also ensure safe passage for civilians wishing to leave the region and for humanitarian aid agencies to enter. 
"The Russian military has effective control of the Gori region, making it responsible for the security and well-being of all people living there," said Rachel Denber, Europe and Central Asia deputy director at Human Rights Watch. "Russia should prevent any further militia attacks and allow humanitarian aid to reach the hundreds of vulnerable civilians still in the area, including many elderly." &nbsp; &nbsp;Human Rights Watch researchers interviewed ethnic Georgians from the city of Gori and surrounding villages who described how armed Ossetian militias attacked their cars and kidnapped civilians as people tried to flee in response to militia attacks on their homes following the Russian advance into the area. In phone interviews, people remaining in Gori region villages told Human Rights Watch that they had witnessed looting and arson attacks by Ossetian militias in their villages, but are afraid to leave after learning about militia attacks on those who fled. &nbsp; &nbsp;Russian military forces remain in Gori and the surrounding villages since advancing from South Ossetia on August 13, 2008. They have denied access to some humanitarian missions seeking to assist civilians. The UN, which has described the humanitarian situation in Gori as "desperate," has been able to deliver only limited food supplies to the city. &nbsp; &nbsp;"Dato," a victim of an Ossetian militia attack, told Human Rights Watch that on August 12, militia fighters stopped a minivan carrying him and several other civilians near Tkviavi. The militia fighters attempted to abduct the male passengers, but Dato and four others managed to escape. No further information is available about the fate of at least eight men whom the militia abducted from the vehicle. Kidnapping and enforced disappearances are both prohibited under international law, and may amount to crimes against humanity or war crimes, depending on the circumstances in which they occur. &nbsp; &nbsp;Vasiko Tevdorashvili, a Georgian official from a Gori district village, told Human Rights Watch that some 250 civilians remain trapped in three villages. He stated that they fear attacks by Ossetian militia and need help to leave the area. Acts intended to spread terror amongst the civilian population are also prohibited and may amount to a war crime. In a phone interview with Human Rights Watch, "Anna," a school teacher trapped in the village of Mereti, described her plight: "There are about 60 people, mostly elderly, remaining in the village. We are hiding in the gardens and in the forest … Our [relatives] learned that three houses in our village were looted and burned by Ossetians, and we are scared that they will come for us as well. Many of us want to leave, but we are scared to do so … we are afraid that if we try to leave, Ossetians will kidnap us." &nbsp; &nbsp; Although Human Rights Watch was able to speak by phone to people in Gori region villages, many of those who have fled the region have no information about the fate of their relatives who have remained. &nbsp; &nbsp;On August 12 and 13, Human Rights Watch documented how Ossetian militias looted and burned houses in ethnic Georgian villages in South Ossetia, along the road from Java to Tskhinvali (for more background, please visit: http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2008/08/13/georgi19607.htm; for a slideshow of the burning and looting, please visit: http://www.hrw.org/photos/2008/georgia0808/).  &nbsp; &nbsp;Russian forces controlling Gori also denied access to most journalists trying to enter the city.  &nbsp; &nbsp;As the party to the conflict exercising effective control over Gori and the surrounding areas, Russia has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the security and welfare of the civilians in the area. If it fails to take appropriate measures to protect civilians, ensure their security, and allow humanitarian access, it may be held responsible under humanitarian law for serious violations against civilians. &nbsp; &nbsp; "The Russian military should immediately establish a safe corridor to and from Gori," said Denber. "No one should be forced to leave their homes, but those who wish to leave should be able to do so safely. Humanitarian relief workers should be allowed in to assist those who chose to remain or are unable to leave." &nbsp;&nbsp;
Source: Human Rights Watch Russ/Georgia: <link http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/08/16/georgi19630.htm - external-link-new-window>Militias Attack Civilians in Gori Region</link><br /> 
]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Mon, 18 Aug 2008 15:51:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>(Actualización) Burgos' ma solicita a la Corte Suprema que revierta la sentencia del Tribunal de Apelaciones en el secuestro del hijo</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/update-burgos-ma-asks-sc-to-reverse-ca-ruling-on-sons-abduction/</link>
			<description>MANILA, Filipinas - La madre del desaparecido activista Jonas Burgos quiere que la Corte Suprema...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[In a 63-page petition filed Thursday, Edita Burgos also urged the high court to declare as false the return of the writs of habeas corpus and amparo filed by the respondents, which included top-ranking police and military officials and even President Arroyo.<br /> <br /> “She is responsible both for her actions as well as the illegal acts of her men. Given the foregoing, there is sufficient basis to hold the President as commander in chief liable for the enforced disappearance of Jonas under both fact and in law,” the petition said on the President's inclusion in the suit.<br /> <br /> Other respondents in the suit are (ret) Armed Forces chief Gen. Hermogenes Esperon Jr. (ret) Lt. Gen. Romeo Tolentino, former Army commander; Maj. Juanito Gomez, commanding officer of the 71st Infantry Division; Lt. Col. Noel Clement, commanding officer of the Security and Escort battalion based in Fort Bonifacio; and Lt. Col. Melquiades Feliciano, former commander of the 56th IB.<br /> <br /> Burgos, son of the late freedom fighter and former newspaper publisher Jose Burgos, was abducted last April 28, 2007 while having lunch inside a Quezon City mall. Mrs Burgos said she has evidence that the military was behind the abduction.<br /> <br /> Mrs Burgos said she has submitted substantial evidence that the military was behind the abduction of her son, and that the CA erred when it failed to establish a link between the respondents and the victim.<br /> <br /> “Despite the evidence of petitioner and no evidence of respondents, still the CA ruled that petitioner has not adequately established a direct link between the abductors of Jonas and the Philippine Army,” she said.<br /> <br /> The evidence includes the license plate TAB 194, which was seen attached to the getaway vehicle in the Burgos abduction but was later found out to be assigned to a vehicle impounded at the 56th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army’s headquarters in Norzagaray, Bulacan.<br /> <br /> In its assailed decision, the CA Special Former Seventh Division dismissed the case against the military but partially granted the petition for amparo that ordered authorities to push through with their investigation on the disappearance of Jonas.<br /> <br /> The appellate court also ordered AFP chief Lt. Gen. Alexander Yano and Police Director Gen. Avelino Razon Jr to make available to petitioner Burgos all documents and records in their possession relevant to the case.<strong> </strong>
<strong>Source: </strong><strong>GMANews.TV</strong>
<link http://www.gmanews.tv/story/110677/(Update)-Burgos-ma-asks-SC-to-reverse-CA-ruling-on-sons-abduction - external-link-new-window>Click here for a link to the original article</link><br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 17:33:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Solidarity Peace Trust publica informe sobre la violencia política en Zimbabue</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/solidarity-peace-trust-release-report-on-political-violence-in-zimbabwe/</link>
			<description>Solidarity Peace Trust ha publicado un informe sobre la violencia política y violencia contra los...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[El informe: " Desperately Seeking Sanity: What Prospects for a New Beginning in Zimbabwe?" contiene información y testimonios de testigos de violaciones de derechos humanos ocurridos durante el reciente periodo electoral. El informe también incluye una sección sobre desapariciones forzadas en meses recientes. Menciona entre otros detalles, que el tipo de desaparición forzada que lleva a cabo no ha tenido lugar desde 1985.
El informe (y otros informes sobre violaciones de los derechos humanos en Zimbabue) es accesible en el sitio web de Solidarity Peace Trust: <link http://www.solidaritypeacetrust.org>www.solidaritypeacetrust.org</link>, o en este sitio web <link en/library/item/id/371/ - external-link-new-window>pinchando aquí.</link><br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2008 17:31:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Comunicado de prensa de APDP: APDP da a bienvenida a la resolución del Parlamento Europeo sobre Cachemira</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/apdp-press-release-apdp-welcomes-ep-resolution-on-kashmir/</link>
			<description>Srinagar, 28 de julio: Asociación de Padres de Personas Desaparecidas (APDP) en nombre de los...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[Enforced Disappearances is a human issue and needs a humanitarian response. APDP is against politicizing the issue, which is evident from the demands and modus operandi of the Association since its inception in 1994. APDP has been consistently demanding impartial investigation into all the allegations of disappearances in Jammu and Kashmir. Since 1998, APDP has demanded the appointment of the Commission under the Commission on Inquiries Act but the government hasn’t bothered to respond till date. On the one hand government of India is introducing new laws like Right to Information Act and on the other hand the family members of the disappeared have been denied any information regarding the whereabouts of their disappeared family members who have been subjected to the cruel phenomenon of enforced disappearance. &nbsp; 
In Punjab, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had confirmed that police disappeared and then illegally cremated 2097 victims of fake encounters in Amritsar district alone. Though the 16 districts of Punjab were not investigated. When investigations against the enforced disappearances can take place in Punjab why not in Jammu and Kashmir. &nbsp; 
Enforced Disappearances is a global issue, but in democratic countries the governments respond by carrying out thorough investigations. In Jammu and Kashmir government has done nothing to probe the enforced disappearances, ofcourse except for the statements of deniability and branding the demands of relatives of disappeared as propaganda. The failure of government and all its institutions whether executive or judiciary in delivering the justice has paved way for the international humanitarian intervention. European Parliament’s resolution or any international concern is the result of Indian indifference and not just the advocacy of human rights groups. Government of India by its indifferent and colloquial response is internationalizing the issue of enforced disappearance. &nbsp; 
Instead of holding probes and commission to enquire the cases of enforced disappearances, which will enhance government’s credibility, they are resorting to threats and intimidations to neutralize the voices of dissent. The threats and intimidation neither have worked in past nor will in future. The struggle against the phenomenon of enforced disappearances shall continue.
<br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2008 17:31:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Human Rights Watch publica informe sobre Crímenes de Guerra en Mt. Elgon (Kenya)</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/human-rights-watch-release-report-on-war-crimes-in-mt-elgon-kenya-1/</link>
			<description>El informe de Human Rights Watch: &quot;Todos los hombres han ido: Crímenes de Guerra en Mt. Elgon&quot; (All...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<strong>Kenya: Punish War Crimes in Mt. Elgon</strong><br />
<strong>Account for 'Disappeared,' Investigate Torture and Killings</strong><br />
(Nairobi, July 28, 2008) – The Kenyan government should account for dozens of missing people detained during the security operation in Mt. Elgon, Human Rights Watch said in a <link http://hrw.org/reports/2008/kenya0708/ - external-link-new-window>report</link> released today. Human Rights Watch also called on Kenya to support independent investigations into torture and war crimes committed by security forces, and urged donors, including London and Washington, to review military aid to Kenya. 
The 52-page report, <link http://www.hrw.org/reports/2008/kenya0708/index.htm - external-link-new-window>“‘All the Men Have Gone’: War Crimes in Kenya’s Mt. Elgon District,” </link>documents war crimes committed by a militia group, the Sabaot Land Defence Force (SLDF) and by Kenyan security forces responding to the crisis in Mt. Elgon, western Kenya. The investigation found that since 2006 the SLDF has terrorized thousands, killing and torturing hundreds of people. The government deployed forces in March 2008 to quell the SLDF, and Kenyan police, paramilitary and military tortured hundreds of men detained in mass round-ups. At least 37 people remain “disappeared” after being taken into custody by the security forces.&nbsp; “The ‘successful’ operation to tackle the rebellion in Mt. Elgon has come at a terrible cost,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should urgently produce those who have disappeared and ensure that those responsible for torture and other crimes, including the commanders, are held accountable.” Since 2006, the SLDF has killed more than 600 people, and kidnapped, tortured and raped men and women who opposed them or their political supporters. The SLDF originated as a militia in 2006 to resist government efforts to evict squatters, many of whom were displaced from controversial resettlement schemes in Mt. Elgon district and in the mountain’s national park. Land grievances, repeated displacement of communities, and flawed resettlement schemes are among the core problems at the heart of the conflict in Mt. Elgon. Since its formation, the SLDF’s activities have expanded, becoming more violent and linked to local political interests. By early 2008, the insurgents controlled large swathes of the mountain and effectively ran a parallel administration, collecting “taxes” and looting property and land at will. The group’s signature abuse has been to cut off the ears and sew up the mouths of people who defy their demands. Human Rights Watch researchers visited the region in March, April and July 2008, and found that in addition to its brutal efforts to terrorize, procure land, and loot, the SLDF have also played a political role. In the run-up to and following the 2007 general election, the SLDF supported certain political candidates and targeted political opponents and their supporters. In March 2008, police and military units deployed as part of a joint security operation called “Okoa Maisha” (“Save Lives” in Swahili), and local residents initially welcomed them. Although successful in capturing key SLDF leaders, security forces rounded up much of the male population of villages in Mt. Elgon district and took them for screening at military camps where suspects were routinely tortured upon arrival; some died as a result. The military themselves claim they “screened” nearly 4,000 people. At a minimum, the evidence points to hundreds of people having been tortured and dozens killed. Human Rights Watch documented dozens of cases of torture by police, paramilitary and military units. Victims described being beaten with sticks, chains and rifles, while local mortuary staff described bodies arriving with obvious signs of torture, such as welts, bruising, broken wrists, and rope burns around the wrists. The bodies of some of those who died were dumped in the forest from helicopters. A widow who identified her husband’s body in Webuye mortuary told Human Rights Watch: “Before the security operation, male residents of Mt. Elgon fled the district for fear of forceful recruitment into the SLDF. Now they have either been rounded up or they have fled again, for fear of being tortured. Mt. Elgon is a mountain of women, all the men have gone.” The Kenya National Commission of Human Rights and two nongovernmental organizations, the Independent Medico-Legal Unit and Médecins Sans Frontières, have also released reports documenting torture by the security forces in Mt. Elgon. Government officials have consistently denied that any torture has taken place, although the government launched an internal police investigation in June 2008. Human Rights Watch called for an independent investigation to examine the crimes and bring those responsible to justice. “A police investigation that reports to the commanders who should be investigated can’t hope to discover what went wrong on Mt. Elgon,” said Gagnon. Human Rights Watch also called on foreign governments providing military aid and other assistance to Kenyan security forces to review that support in light of the mounting evidence of torture, and the Kenyan government’s reluctance to seriously investigate and address the abuses. Both the United States and United Kingdom governments provide millions of dollars of military assistance, training and other support to the Kenyan military every year. “Washington and London are close partners of the Kenyan military, and they should suspend military assistance until there is an independent investigation of the war crimes,” said Gagnon. “They shouldn’t be supporting the military until the Kenyan authorities commit to prosecuting those responsible for torture and war crimes.”&nbsp;
Source: Human Rights Watch press release: "Kenya punish war crimes in Mt. Elgon"]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2008 17:30:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>Un Grupo de Trabajo sobre Desapariciones Forzadas o Involuntarias llega al final de la 85ª sesión</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/un-working-group-on-enforced-and-involuntary-disappearances-concludes-85th-session/</link>
			<description>El Grupo de Trabajo sobre Desapariciones Forzadas o Involuntarias de las Naciones Unidas llegó al...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[El Grupo de Trabajo se estableció inicialmente para resolver las desapariciones heredadas de los gobiernos autoritarios de América Latina. Hoy, a casi 30 años de su creación, el Grupo de Trabajo llevó a cabo una sesión en Argentina como reconocimiento a los esfuerzos incansables de la sociedad civil por obtener verdad y justicia y para honrar la memoria de las miles de personas que desaparecieron en Argentina.<br /> <br /> El Grupo de Trabajo examinó 38 casos presentados bajo el procedimiento de acciones urgentes. Los miembros del Grupo de Trabajo expresaron su preocupación de que XX de las acciones urgentes se refieren a casos de supuestas desapariciones en Sri Lanka.<br /> <br /> El Grupo de Trabajo también revisó 290 casos de desapariciones forzadas recién presentados e información sobre casos previamente aceptados por el Grupo de Trabajo de 31 países, incluidos Argelia, Argentina, Bangladesh, Belarus, Colombia, DPRK, República Dominicana, Ecuador, Grecia, Guatemala, Honduras, Iran, Irak, Japón, Kuwait, Libia, México, Marruecos, Nepal, Filipinas, Federación Rusa, Arabia Saudita, Senegal, Serbia, Sri Lanka, Siria, Turquía, Ucrania, Uzbekistán, Venezuela y Yemen.<br /> <br /> Se sostuvieron reuniones con organizaciones no gubernamentales y familiares de los desaparecidos, así como con representantes del Gobierno de Japón para intercambiar información sobre el fenómeno de la desaparición forzada.<br /> <br /> <br /> <em>El Grupo de Trabajo fue establecido por la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas en 1980 para asistir a los familiares de personas desaparecidas en la averiguación de su paradero o la suerte que hubieren corrido, y para actuar como un canal de comunicación entre las familias y los gobiernos involucrados. El Grupo de Trabajo también vigila el cumplimiento por parte de los Estado de las disposiciones de la Declaración sobre la Protección de todas las personas contra las desapariciones forzadas, proclamada en 1992 por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas.</em><br /> <br /> <em>El Grupo de Trabajo está compuesto por cinco expertos independientes de todas las regiones del mundo. El Presidente-Relator del Grupo de Trabajo es el señor Santiago Corcuera. Los demás miembros del Grupo de Trabajo son el señor Darko Göttlicher, el señor Saied Rajaie Khorasani, el señor Jeremy J. Sarkin y el señor Stephen J. Toope.</em><br /> <br /> <em>Para más información  favor consultar la siguiente página web:</em><br /> <em><link http://www.ohchr.org/english/issues/disappear/index.htm>http://www.ohchr.org/english/issues/disappear/index.htm</link></em><em> .</em> <br /> <br /> <link http://www.ohchr.org/english/issues/disappear/index.htm><em></em></link>
<strong>Fuente: </strong>OACDH comunicado de prensa. <link http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/879595B207FDC1D6C12574940045BEF3?opendocument - external-link-new-window "Abre un enlace externo en una nueva ventana">Acceda aquí el comunicado de prensa original</link>]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2008 17:29:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>ONU advierte sobre las desapariciones forzadas en Colombia</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/un-warns-about-forced-disappearances-in-colombia/</link>
			<description>Colombia es el único país de América Latina donde personas siguen siendo víctima de desaparición...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[El Grupo de Trabajo sobre Desapariciones Forzadas o Involuntarias de la ONU se reúne en Argentina para recordar las 30.000 personas que desaparecieron durante la junta militar en el país sudamericano en los 1970's y 1980's.   &quot;En Colombia seguimos viendo casos de desapariciones forzadas. Sólo en casos excepcionales ocurre esto en otros países de América Latina, pero no como en Colombia &quot;, dijo el presidente del Grupo de Trabajo, Santiago Corcuera.   El Grupo de Trabajo critica la definición de &quot;desaparición forzada&quot; en la legislación colombiana, porque &quot;diluye la responsabilidad del Estado&quot;.   Corcuera dice que el Grupo de Trabajo no tiene previsto visitar Colombia, ya que sólo ha recibido una invitación abierta, en lugar de la necesaria invitación formal para visitar el país y ser informados de la situación.   Las organizaciones no gubernamentales estiman más de 30000 personas han desaparecido en Colombia durante los últimos años. La fiscalía del país está investigando actualmente 15600 casos de personas que se sospechan han sido víctimas de desaparición forzada.
<strong>Fuente: </strong>Colombia Reports. <link http://colombiareports.com/2008/07/24/un-warns-about-enforced-disappearances-in-colombia/ - external-link-new-window>Vea aquí el artículo original</link> (en inglés)<br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2008 17:29:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
		<item>
			<title>A pesar de caída de los abusos de derechos humanos, aún no hay &quot;democracia vibrante&quot;</title>
			<link>http://www.ediec.org/nc/es/noticias/articulo/article/despite-drop-in-rights-abuses-still-no-vibrant-democracy/</link>
			<description>Si bien la incidencia de ejecuciones extrajudiciales pueden haber disminuido en el segundo...</description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[The right group released its second quarter Karapatan Monitor on Monday, which acknowledged that extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances committed against activists have decreased from April to June.
But the group said the government is no “human rights advocate.”
“Karapatan condemns the continuation of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, illegal detention, torture, hamletting, forced evacuation and other human rights violations against men, women and children,” the group said.
From April to June, Karapatan monitored seven cases of extrajudicial killings, 11 frustrated killings and two abductions.
But Karapatan gave credit for this to “UN special rapporteurs, representatives of international NGOs [nongovernmental organizations], foreign lawmakers…and to Chief Justice Reynato Puno who supported us in our defense of human rights in the Philippines.”
The human rights violations reported by Karapatan include the alleged abduction and “psychological torture” committed against Rose Ann Gumanoy, the daughter of slain peasant leader Eduardo Gumanoy.
Rose Ann was presented to the media last July 10 and denied allegations she and her sister Fatima were kidnapped by military men. But Rose Ann’s mother maintained her daughter was kidnapped.
Last May 15, peasant leader Celso Pojas, 45, was gunned down by unidentified men in Davao City allegedly by “military death squads as part of the government’s counter-insurgency program, Oplan Bantay Laya [Freedom Watch] I and II,” Karapatan said.
On the same day, Randy Malayao, 39, was abducted by unidentified men. Malayao, who was former vice president of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP), was also a consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines in Cagayan Valley.
<strong>Source:&nbsp; </strong>Inquirer.net. <link http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20080721-149818/Despite-drop-in-rights-abuses-still-no-vibrant-democracy - external-link-new-window>Please click here for the original article</link> (external link)
<link http://www.karapatan.org/ - external-link-new-window>Please click here for access to the website of Karapatan</link>
<link fileadmin/user_upload/Phillipines/HR_Monitor_AprJun08__Karapatan_.pdf - download>Please click here for the full report of Karapatan</link><br />]]></content:encoded>
			
			
			<pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2008 17:28:00 +0200</pubDate>
			
		</item>
		
	</channel>
</rss>